Damned Christians

[Fake Messiah]

Evangelist Franklin Graham urged participants at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) on Thursday to “do everything” they can to try to get President Donald Trump reelected.

Graham, who is president and CEO of the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association and a longtime Trump supporter, told the audience, “I love him [Donald Trump]. And we will only have one chance at this. We will never get another president like Donald Trump, never.”

He continued, “That’s why it's important we do everything that we can to try to get him re-elected. He stands not only for religious freedom, he stands up for Christians, like no president we’ve ever had.”

https://www.newsweek.com/cpac-crowd-urge...d-11743902

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Pete Hegseth isn’t just blurring the line between church and state — he’s turning the Pentagon into a command center for a holy war.

At Pentagon Christian service, Hegseth prays for violence 'against those who deserve no mercy'

He read a prayer he said was first given by a military chaplain to the troops who captured then-President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela.

"Let every round find its mark against the enemies of righteousness and our great nation," Hegseth prayed during the livestreamed service. "Give them wisdom in every decision, endurance for the trial ahead, unbreakable unity, and overwhelming violence of action against those who deserve no mercy."

Hegseth frequently invokes his evangelical faith as head of the armed forces, depicting a Christian nation trying to vanquish its foes with military might.

"I pursued my enemies and overtook them, and did not turn back till they were consumed," he read from the Psalms on Wednesday.

During the expanding Iran war and global conflicts, Hegseth's Christian rhetoric has drawn renewed scrutiny, including his past defense of the Crusades, the brutal medieval wars that pitted Christians against Muslims.

https://www.pbs.org/newshour/amp/politic...e-no-mercy

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Picture of Jesus Christ Firing a Mortar Allegedly Found at Army Base

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An active-duty Army noncommissioned officer who requested anonymity for fear of retribution has alleged that they, along with two other NCOs, were working at their installation headquarters when they "discovered a poster of Jesus firing a mortar round that was left over by the previous unit that we rotated in to replace."

The NCO, according to an email originally sent on Thursday to the Military Religious Freedom Foundation (MRFF) and shared with Military.com, said the building in which the poster was discovered formerly served as the headquarters for that previous unit. It has prompted trepidation about why it was there in the first place, and whether it is correlated with language describing the military campaign abroad.

“This really concerned me that the previous unit would have something like [this], especially considering the reports of commanders in the Middle East telling there [sic] soldiers that the war with Iran is a holy war and God has anointed Trump to bring about the apocalypse,” the NCO wrote in their email, concluding by saying the military should not be “taken over by these Christian nationalists.”

https://www.military.com/daily-news/2026...-base.html

[Fake Messiah]

How the Christian Right began as a political effort to preserve White-only schools and resist Civil Rights

After the Supreme Court’s 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education, many White communities in the South and parts of the Midwest founded private schools to avoid integration.

These institutions, often labeled “Christian schools,” expanded rapidly between the mid-1950s and early 1970s. Their purpose was not hidden. Archival documents, court filings, and contemporary reporting show that hundreds of these schools explicitly limited enrollment to White students, describing themselves as “sanctuaries” for families opposed to desegregation.

The political catalyst came in the early 1970s, when the Internal Revenue Service announced that private schools practicing racial discrimination would no longer qualify for tax-exempt status. The ruling threatened the financial viability of many of the nation’s segregated Christian academies.

Leaders who would later shape the Christian Right reacted forcefully. The dispute over tax policy and school integration — not abortion, not prayer in schools — became the first issue that mobilized conservative White evangelicals into a national political bloc.

The reframing served a strategic purpose. Open defense of segregation had become socially unacceptable in the wake of the civil-rights movement, but arguments about parental rights, Christian education, and government intrusion could achieve the same political goals while avoiding explicit racial language.

This rhetorical shift allowed the emerging coalition to present itself as a moral movement rather than a reactionary political project with the goal of racist White Nationalism at its core.

Abortion did not become a defining cause of the movement until years after Roe v. Wade. In the early 1970s, major evangelical denominations did not treat abortion as a political priority. Some were ambivalent, others supported exceptions that today would be considered politically untenable.

Scholars have documented how political strategists encouraged leaders such as Jerry Falwell to adopt abortion as a central issue, not because it had been a longstanding theological concern, but because it offered a unifying moral banner capable of binding together White evangelicals and conservative Catholics into a single coalition. The strategy worked. The new focus reframed the movement in moral terms and obscured its earlier conflicts over racial segregation.

The public image of the Christian Right that developed over the next several decades drew heavily on this reframing. National reporting focused on abortion, gay rights, school prayer, and so-called family values.

Less attention was paid to the movement’s institutional origins or to the ways its early fights were embedded in White resistance to civil-rights reforms. As the movement grew in influence, its founding narrative — grounded in opposition to federal desegregation policy — faded from public awareness, but remained at the heart of its ideology.

The trajectory of the movement became more visible as its political agenda expanded. Its leaders framed contemporary disputes over voting rights, immigration, and public education as battles to defend Christian culture, even as researchers noted that the policy positions aligned consistently with protecting White political and cultural dominance.

Analysts of Christian nationalism have pointed out that the movement’s rhetoric blends biblical references with appeals to national identity, constructing an imagined past in which America was divinely ordained as a Christian nation and implicitly shaped by White cultural norms.

The pattern is evident in policy debates that extend far beyond abortion. Battles over school vouchers and educational oversight echo earlier conflicts over segregated Christian schools. Disputes over immigration often rely on language describing cultural “replacement” and threats to national identity.

https://www.milwaukeeindependent.com/fea...il-rights/